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1.4. What sundrie nations haue dwel|led in Albion. Cap. 4.

What sundrie nations haue dwel|led in Albion. Cap. 4.

[1] _AS few or no nations can iustlie boast themselues to haue con|tinued sithence their countrie was first replenished, without any mixture, more or lesse, of forreine inhabitants; no more can this our Iland, whose mani|fold commodities haue oft allu|red sundrie princes and famous capteines of the world to conquer and subdue the same vnto their owne sub|iection. Manie sorts of people therfore haue come in hi|ther and settled themselues here in this Ile, and first of all other, a parcell of the linage and posteritie of Ia|phet,Samothe|ans. brought in by Samothes in the 1910. after the creation of Adam. Howbeit in processe of time, and after they had indifferentlie replenished and furnished this Iland with people (which was doone in the space of 335. yeares) Albion the giant afore mentioned, repai|red hither with a companie of his owne race procéeding from Cham, and not onelie annexed the same to his owne dominion, but brought all such in like sort as he found here of the line of Iaphet, into miserable serui|tude and most extreame thraldome. After him also, and within lesse than sixe hundred and two yeares, came Brute the sonne of Syluius with a great traine of the posteritie of the dispersed Troians in 324. ships: Britains. who rendering the like courtesie vnto the Chemminits as they had doone before vnto the séed of Iaphet,Chemmi|nits. brought them also wholie vnder his rule and gouernance, and dispossessing the peeres & inferior owners of their lands and possessions, he diuided the countrie among such princes and capteines as he in his arriuall here had led out of Grecia with him.

[1] From hencefoorth I doo not find any sound report of other nation whatsoeuer,Romans. that should aduenture hither to dwell, and alter the state of the land, vntill the Ro|mane emperours subdued it to their dominion, sa|uing of a few Galles, (and those peraduenture of Belgie) who first comming ouer to rob and pilfer vpon the coasts, did afterward plant themselues for altogi|ther neere vnto the shore, and there builded sundrie ci|ties and townes which they named after those of the maine, from whence they came vnto vs. And this is not onelie to be gathered out of Cesar where he wri|teth of Britaine of set purpose, but also else-where, as in his second booke a litle after the beginning: for spea|king of Deuiaticus king of the Swessions liuing in his time, he affirmeth him not onelie to be the mightiest prince of all the Galles, but also to hold vnder his sub|iection the Ile of Britaine, of which his sonne Galba was afterward dispossessed. But after the com|ming of the Romans, it is hard to say with how manie sorts of people we were dailie pestered, almost in euerie steed. For as they planted their forworne legions in the most fertile places of the realme, and where they might best lie for the safegard of their conquests: so their armies did commonlie consist of manie sorts of people, and were (as I may call them) a confused mixture of all other countries and nations then liuing in the world. Howbeit, I thinke it best, bicause they did all beare the title of Romans, to re|teine onelie that name for them all, albeit they were wofull ghests to this our Iland: sith that with them came all maner of vice and vicious liuing, all riot and excesse of behauiour into our countrie, which their legi|ons brought hither from each corner of their domini|ons: for there was no prouince vnder them from whence they had not seruitours.

How and when the Scots,Scots. Picts. a people mixed of the Scithian and Spanish blood, should arriue here out of Ireland, & when the Picts should come vnto vs out of Sarmatia, or from further toward the north & the Scithi|an Hyperboreans, as yet it is vncerteine. For though the Scotish histories doo carrie great countenance of their antiquitie in this Iland: yet (to saie fréelie what I thinke) I iudge them rather to haue stolne in hither within the space of 100. yeares before Christ, than to haue continued here so long as they themselues pre|tend, if my coniecture be any thing. Yet I denie not, but that as the Picts were long planted in this Iland be|fore the Scots aduentured to settle themselues also in Britaine; so the Scots did often aduenture hither to rob and steale out of Ireland, and were finallie called in by the Meats or Picts (as the Romans named them, be|cause they painted their bodies) to helpe them against the Britains, after the which they so planted them|selues in these parts, that vnto our time that portion of the land cannot he cleansed of them. I find also that as these Scots were reputed for the most Scithian-like and barbarous nation, and longest without letters; so they vsed commonlie to steale ouer into Britaine in leather skewes, and began to helpe the Picts about or not long before the beginning of Cesars time. For both [page 6] Diodorus lib. 6 . and Strabo lib. 4. doo seeme to speake of a parcell of the Irish nation that should inhabit Bri|taine in their time, which were giuen to the eating of mans flesh, and therefore called Anthropophagi. Ma|mertinus in like sort dooth note the Redshanks and the Irish (which are properlie the Scots) to be the onelie enimies of our nation, before the comming of Caesar, as appeareth in his panegyricall oration, so that hereby it is found that they are no new ghestes in Britaine. Wherefore all the controuersie dooth rest in the time of their first attempt to inhabit in this Iland. Certein|lie I maruell much whie they trauell not to come in with Cantaber and Partholonus : but I see perfectlie that this shift should be too grosse for the maintenance of their desired antiquitie. Now, as concerning their name, the Saxons translated the word Scotus for Irish: whereby it appeareth that those Irish, of whom Strabo and Diodorus doo speake, are none other than those Scots, of whom Ierome speaketh A duersus Iouini|anum, lib. 2. who vsed to féed on the buttocks of boies and womens paps, as delicate dishes. Aethicus writing of the Ile of Man, affirmeth it to be inhabited with Scots so well as Ireland euen in his time. Which is another proofe that the Scots and Irish are all one people. They were also called Scoti by the Romans, bicause their I|land & originall inhabitation thereof were vnknowne, and they themselues an obscure nation in the sight of all the world. Now as concerning the Picts,Of the Picts. whatso|euer Ranulphus Hygden imagineth to the contrarie of their latter enterance, it is easie to find by Herodian and Mamertinus (of which the one calleth them Meates, the other Redshankes and Pictones) that they were setled in this Ile long before the time of Seuerus, yea of Caesar, and comming of the Scots. Which is proofe suffi|cient, if no further authoritie remained extant for the same. So that the controuersie lieth not in their com|ming also, but in the true time of their repaire and ad|uenture into this Iland out of the Orchades (out of which they gat ouer into the North parts of our coun|trie, as the writers doo report) and from whence they came at the first into the aforsaid Ilands. For my part I suppose with other, that they came hither out of Sar|matia or Scythia: for that nation hauing how al|waies an eie vnto the commodities of our countrie, hath sent out manie companies to inuade and spoile the same. It may be that some will gather, those to be the Picts, of whom Caesar saith that they stained their faces with wad and madder, to the end they might ap|peare terrible and fearefull to their enimies; and so in|ferre that the Picts were naturall Britans. But it is one thing to staine the face onelie as the Britans did, of whom Propertius saith,

Nunc etiam infectos demummutare Britannos,
And to paint the images and portrattures of beasts, fish and foules ouer the whole bodie, as the Picts did, of whom Martial saith,
Barbara depictis veni Bascauda Britannis.
Certes the times of Samothes and Albion, haue some likelie limitation: and so we may gather of the comming in of Brute, of Caesar, the Saxons, the Danes, the Normans, and finallie of the Flemmings, (who had the Rosse in Wales assigned vnto them 1066. after the drowning of their countrie.) But when first the Picts, & then the Scots should come ouer into our. I|land, as they were obscure people, so the time of their arriuall is as far to me vnknowne. Wherefore the reso|lution of this point must still remaine In tenebris. This neuerthelesse is certeine, that Maximus first Le|gate of Britaine, and afterward emperour, draue the Scots out of Britaine, and compelled them to get ha|bitation in Ireland, the out Iles, and the North part of the maine, and finallie diuided their region betwéene the Britaines and the Picts. He denounced warre also against the Irishmen, for receiuing them into their land: but they crauing the peace, yéelded to subscribe, that from thence-foorth they would not receiue any Scot into their dominions; and so much the more, for that they were pronounced enimies to the Romans, and disturbers of the common peace and quietnesse of their prouinces here in England.

[1] The Saxons became first acquainted with this Ile, by meanes of the piracie which they dailie practi|sed vpon our coastes (after they had once begun to ad|uenture themselues also vpon the seas, thereby to seeke out more wealth than was now to be gotten in the West parts of the maine, which they and their neigh|bours had alreadie spoiled in most lamentable and bar|barous maner) howbeit they neuer durst presume to inhabit in this Iland,The hurt by forren aid. vntill they were sent for by Vor|tiger to serue him in his warres against the Picts and Scots, after that the Romans had giuen vs ouer, and lest vs wholie to our owne defense and regiment. Be|ing therefore come vnder Hengist in three bottoms or kéeles , and in short time espieng the idle and negligent behauiour of the Britaines, and fertilitie of our soile, they were not a little inflamed to make a full conquest of such as at the first they came to aid and succour. Herevpon also they fell by little and little to the wind|ing in of greater numbers of their countrimen and neighbours, with their wiues and children into this re|gion, so that within a while these new comlings began to molest the homelings, and ceased not from time to time to continue their purpose, vntill they had gotten possession of the whole, or at the leastwise the greatest part of our countrie; the Britons in the meane sea|son being driuen either into Wales and Cornewall, or altogither out of the Iland to séeke new habitati|ons.

[1] In like maner the Danes (the next nation that succéeded) came at the first onelie to pilfer and robbe vpon the frontiers of our Iland,Danes. till that in the end, being let in by the Welshmen or Britons through an earnest desire to be reuenged vpon the Saxons, they no lesse plagued the one than the other, their fréends than their aduersaries, seeking by all meanes possible to establish themselues also in the sure pos|session of Britaine. But such was their successe, that they prospered not long in their deuise: for so great was their lordlinesse, crueltie, and infatiable desire of riches, beside their detestable abusing of chast matrons, and yoong virgins (whose husbands and pa|rents were dailie inforced to become their drudges and slaues, whilest they sat at home and fed like drone bées of the sweet of their trauell and labours) that God I say would not suffer them to continue any while ouer vs, but when he saw his time he remooued their yoke, and gaue vs libertie as it were to breath vs, thereby to see whether this his sharpe scourge could haue mooued vs to repentance and amendment of our lewd and sinfull liues, or not. But when no signe thereof appeared in our hearts, he called in an other nation to vex vs, I meane the Normans,The Nor|mans. a people mixed with Danes, and of whom it is worthilie doubted, whether they were more hard and cruell to our countrimen than the Danes, or more heauie and intollerable to our Iland than the Saxons or the Romans. This nation came out of Newstria, the people thereof were called Nor|mans by the French, bicause the Danes which sub|dued that region, came out of the North parts of the world: neuerthelesse, I suppose that the ancient word Newstria , is corrupted from West-rijc, bi|cause that if you marke the situation, it lieth oppo|site from Austria or Ost-rijc, which is called the East region, as Newstria is the Weast: for Rijc in the old Scithian toong dooth signifie a region or kingdome, as in Franc-rijc, or Franc-reich, Westsaxon-reich, Ost saxon-reich, Su-rijc, Angel-rijc, &c, is else to be séene. But howsoeuer this falleth out, these Normans [page 7] or Danish French, were dedlie aduersaries to the Eng|lish Saxons, first by meane of a quarell that grew be|twéene them in the daies of Edward the Confessour, at such time as the Earle of Bullen, and William Duke of Normandie, arriued in this land to visit him, & their freends; such Normans (I meane) as came ouer with him and Emma his mother before him, in the time of Canutus and Ethelred. For the first footing that euer the French did set in this Iland, sithence the time of Ethel|bert & Sigebert, was with Emma, which Ladie brought ouer a traine of French Gentlemen and Ladies with hir into England.

[1] [2] After hir also no small numbers of attendants came in with Edward the Confessour, The cause of the conquest by the Nor|mans. whome he pre|ferred to the greatest offices in the realme, in so much that one Robert a Norman , became Archbishop of Canturburie, whose preferment so much enhanced the minds of the French, on the one side, as their lord|lie and outragious demeanour kindled the stomachs of the English nobilitie against them on the other: in|somuch that not long before the death of Emma the kings mother, and vpon occasion of the brall hapning at Douer (whereof I haue made sufficient mention in my Chronologie, not regarding the report of the French authors in this behalfe, who write altogither in the fauour of their Archbishop Robert, but following the authoritie of an English préest then liuing in the court ) the English Peeres began to shew their disli|king in manifest maner. Neuerthelesse, the Normans so bewitched the king with their lieng and bosting, Ro|bert the Archbishop being the chéefe instrument of their practise, that he beléeued them, and therevpon vexed sundrie of the nobilitie, amongst whom Earle Good|wijn of Kent was the chéefe, a noble Gentleman and father in law to king Edward by the mariage of his daughter. The matter also came to such issue against him, that he was exiled, and fiue of his sonnes with him, wherevpon he goeth ouer the sea, and soone after returning with his said sonnes, they inuaded the land in sundrie places, the father himselfe comming to Lon|don, where when the kings power was readie to ioine with him in battell, it vtterlie refused so to doo: affir|ming plainelie, that it should be méere follie for one Englishman to fight against another, in the reuenge of Frenchmens quarels: which answer entred so déep|lie into the kings mind, that he was contented to haue the matter heard, and appointing commissioners for that purpose; they concluded at the vpshot, that all the French should depart out of England by a day, few excepted, whom the king should appoint and nominate. By this means therfore Robert the Archbishop,Archbishop of Can. exi|led, and the rest of the French. & of se|cret counsell with the king, was first exiled as princi|pall abuser & seducer of the king, who goeth to Rome, & there complaineth to the Pope of his iniurie receiued by the English. Howbeit as he returned home a|gaine with no small hope of the readeption of his See, he died in Normandie, whereby he saued a killing. Cer|tes he was the first that euer tendered complaint out of England vnto Rome, & with him went William Bi|shop of London (afterward reuoked) and >Vlfo of Lin|colne , who hardlie escaped the furie of the English no|bilitie. Some also went into Scotland, and there held themselues, expecting a better time. And this is the true historie of the originall cause of the conquest of Eng|land by the French: for after they were well beaten at Douer, bicause of their insolent demeanour there shewed, their harts neuer ceased to boile with a desire of reuenge that brake out into a flame, so soone as their Robert possessed the primacie, which being once obtei|ned, and to set his mischéefe intended abroch withall, a contention was quicklie procured about certeine Kentish lands, and controuersie kindled, whether he or the Earle should haue most right vnto them. The king held with the priest as with the church, the nobilitie with the Earle. In processe also of this businesse,Erle Good|wine slande|red by the French wri|ters. the Archbi|shop accused the Earle of high treason, burdening him with the slaughter of Alfred the kings brother, which was altogither false: as appeareth by a treatise yet extant of that matter , written by a chaplaine to king Edward the Confessour, in the hands of Iohn Stow my verie fréend, wherein he saith thus, Alfredus incautè agens in aduentu suo in Angliam a Danis circumuen|tus occiditur. He addeth moreouer, that giuing out as he came through the countrie accompanied with his few proud Normans, how his meaning was to recouer his right vnto the kingdome, and supposing that all men would haue yéelded vnto him, he fell into their hands, whome Harald then king did send to apprehend him, vpon the fame onelie of this report brought vnto his eares. So that (to be short) after the king had made his pacification with the Earle, the French (I say) were exiled, the Quéene restored to his fauour (whom he at the beginning of this broile had imprisoned at Wilton, allowing hir but one onlie maid to wait vpon hir) and the land reduced to hir former quietnesse, which conti|nued vntill the death of the king. After which the Nor|mans not forgetting their old grudge, remembred still their quarell, that in the end turned to their conquest of this Iland. After which obteined, they were so cruellie bent to our vtter subuersion and ouerthrow, that in the beginning it was lesse reproch to be accoun|ted a slaue than an Englishman,The miserie of the Eng|lish vnder the French. or a drudge in anie filthie businesse than a Britaine: insomuch that eue|rie French page was superiour to the greatest Peere; and the losse of an Englishmans life but a pastime to such of them as contended in their brauerie, who should giue the greatest strokes or wounds vnto their bodies, when their toiling and drudgerie could not please them, or satisfie their gréedie humors. Yet such was our lot in those daies by the diuine appointed order, that we must needs obey such as the Lord did set ouer vs, and so much the rather, for that all power to resist was vtterlie ta|ken from vs, and our armes made so weake and feeble that they were not now able to remooue the importable load of the enimie from our surburdened shoulders. And this onelie I saie againe,The cause of our miserie. bicause we refused grace offered in time, and would not heare when God by his Preachers did call vs so fauourablie vnto him. Oh how miserable was the estate of our countrie vnder the French and Normans, wherein the Brittish and English that remained, could not be called to any func|tion in the commonwealth, no not so much as to be con|stables and headburowes in small villages, except they could bring 2. or 3. Normans for suerties to the Lords of the soile for their good behauiour in their offices! Oh what numbers of all degrées of English and Brittish were made slaues and bondmen, and bought and sold as oxen in open market! In so much that at the first comming, the French bond were set free; and those that afterward became bond, were of our owne coun|trie and nation, so that few or rather none of vs re|mained free without some note of bondage and ser|uitude to the French. Hereby then we perceiue, how from time to time this Iland hath not onelie béene a prey, but as it were a common receptacle for strangers, the naturall homelings or Britons being still cut shorter and shorter, as I said before, till in the end they came not onelie to be driuen into a corner of this region, In this voi|age the said Harald buil|ded Porta|schith, which Caradoch ap Griffin afterward ouerthrew, and killed the garrison that Ha|rald left therein. but in time also verie like vtterlie to haue beene extinguished. For had not king Edward, surna|med the saint, in his time, after greeuous wars made vpon them 1063. (wherein Harald latelie made Earle of Oxenford , sonne to Goodwin Earle of Kent, and af|ter king of England, was his generall) permitted the remnant of their women to ioine in mariage with the Englishmen (when the most part of their husbands and male children were slaine with the sword) it could not haue béene otherwise chosen, but their whole race must [page 8] needs haue susteined the vttermost confusion, and there|by the memorie of the Britons vtterlie haue perished a|mong vs.

Thus we see how England hath six times beene subiect to the reproch of conquest. And wheras the Scots séeme to challenge manie famous victories also ouer vs, be|side gréeuous impositions, tributs, & dishonorable com|positions: it shall suffice for answer, that they deale in this as in the most part of their historie, which is to seeke great honor by lieng, & great renowme by prating and craking. Indeed they haue doone great mischéefe in this Iland, & with extreme crueltie; but as for any conquest the first is yet to heare of. Diuers other conquests also haue béene pretended by sundrie princes sithence the conquest, onelie to the end that all pristinate lawes and tenures of possession might cease, and they make a new disposition of all things at their owne pleasure. As one by king Edw. the 3 . but it tooke none effect. An|other by Henrie the 4. who neuerthelesse was at the last though hardlie drawne from the challenge by William Thorington , then cheefe Iustice of England. The third by Henrie the 7 . who had some better shew of right, but yet without effect. And the last of all by Q. Marie , as some of the papists gaue out, and also would haue had hir to haue obtained, but God also staied their mali|ces, and hir challenge. But beside the six afore menti|oned, Huntingdon the old historiographer speaketh of a seuenth, likelie (as he saith) to come one daie out of the North, which is a wind that bloweth no man to good, sith nothing is to be had in those parts, but hunger & much cold. Sée more hereof in the historie of S. Albons, and aforsaid author which lieth on the left side of the librarie belonging now to Paules : for I regard no prophesies as one that doubteth from what spirit they doo procéed, or who should be the author of them.

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? An Historicall description of the Iland of Britaine, with a briefe rehersall of the nature and qualities of the people of England? and such commodities as are to be found in the same. Comprehended in three bookes, and written by W. H.

1.1. Of the diuision of the whole earth. Chapter. 1.

Of the diuision of the whole earth. Chapter. 1.

_WE read that the earth hath beene diuided into thrée parts, euen sithens the generall floud. And the common opinion is,Noah first diuided the earth among his sonnes. that Noah limited and bestowed it vpon his three sons, Iaphet, Cham, and Sem, preserued with him in the Arke, giuing vnto each of them such portions thereof as to him séemed good, and neuer|thelesse reteining the souereigntie of the whole still vn|to himselfe: albeit as yet it be left vncertaine how those seuerall parts were bounded, and from whome they tooke such names as in our times are attributed to each of them. Certes the words, Asia, Europa, and Africa, are denominations giuen but of late (to speake of) vnto them, and it is to be doubted, whether sithens the time of Noah, the sea hath in sundrie places wonne or lost, added or diminished to and from each of them; or whe|ther Europa, and Lybia were but one portion; and the same westerlie regions of late discouered (and now cal|led America,) was the third part (counting Asia for the second) or the selfe region of the Atlantides , which Plato and others, for want of traffike thither in their times, supposed to be dissolued and sunke into the sea: as by their writings appeereth.

Not long before my time,The diuisi|on of the earth not yet certein| [...]ie knowne. we reckoned Asia, Europa, and Africa, for a full and perfect diuision of the whole earth, which are parcels onelie of that huge Iland that lieth east of the Atlantike sea, and where|of the first is diuided from the second by Tanais (which riseth in the rocks of Caucasus, and hideth it selfe in the Meotine moores ) and the Ocean sea; and the last from them both by the Mediterrane and red sea, other|wise called Mare Erythraeum. But now all men, especi|ally the learned, begin to doubt of the soundnes of that partition; bicause a no lesse part than the greatest of the thrée ioined with those Ilands and maine which lie vn|der the north and Southpoles, if not double in quanti|tie vnto the same, are found out and discouered by the diligence of our trauellers. Hereby it appeereth, that either the earth was not exactlie diuided in time past by antiquitie; or els, that the true diuision thereof came not to the hands and notice of their posteritie, so that our ancestors haue hitherto as it were laboured in the Cimmerian darkenesse, and were vtterlie ignorant of the truth of that whereabout they indeuoured to shew their trauels and knowledge in their writings. Some peece of this confusion also is to be found amongst the ancient and Romane writers, who (notwithstanding their large conquests) did sticke in the same mire with their successors; not being able (as appeereth by their treatises) to deliuer and set downe the veritie.Uariance among the writers a|bout the di|uision of the earth. For Sa|lust in his booke De bello Iugurthino cannot tell whether Africa be parcell of Asia or not. And with the same scru|ple Varro in his booke De lingua Lat. is not a litle incum|bred, who in the end concludeth, that the whole earth is diuided into Asia and Europa: so that Africa is excluded and driuen out of his place. Silius also writeth of Africa, (as one not yet resolued wherevnto to leane,) that it is;

Aut ingens Asiae latus, aut pars tertia rerum.
Wherein Lucane lib. 9. sheweth himselfe to be far of another iudgement, in that he ascribeth it to Europa, saieng after this maner:
Tertia pars rerum Lybia: si credere famae
Cuncta velis, si ventos coelúmque sequaris,
Pars erit Europae, nec enim plus littora Nili
Quàm Scythicus Tanais primis à gradibus absunt.

Whereby (I saie) we may well vnderstand, that in the time of Augustus Tiberius, Claudius & Nero, the Ro|manes were not yet resolued of the diuision of the earth. For my part, as I indeuour not to remooue the credit of that which antiquitie hath deliuered (and yet loth to continue and maintaine any corruption that may be redressed) so I thinke good to giue foorth a new diuision more probable, & better agreeing with a truth. And therefore I diuide the whole into fiue seuerall par|cels,The earth diuided into fiue parts, whereas Belforrest hath but foure, in Prefat. lib. 4. reteining the common diuision in the first three, as before; and vnto the fourth allowing not onelie all that portion that lieth by north of the Magellan streicts, and those Hyperborean Ilands which lie west of the line of longitude, of late discouered by Frobisher, and called by hir Maiestie Meta incognita : but likewise so manie Ilands as are within 180. degrées Westwards from our beginning or common line of longitude, whereby they are parted from those, which by this diuisi|on are allotted vnto Asia, and the portion it selfe made equipollent with the same for greatnes, & far excéeding either Europa or Africa, if it be not fullie so much in quantitie as they both vnited and laid togither. The fift & last part is the Antartike portion with hir Ilands an|nexed, that region (I meane) which lieth vnder the South pole, cut off from America, or the fourth part by the Ma|gellan strei [...]ts; & from Africa by the sea which passeth by the Cape of good hope; Cape di bon [...] Speranzae. a countrie no lesse large for limits and bounds than Africa or America, and there|fore right worthie to be called the fift: howsoeuer it shall please the curious to mislike of this diuision. This also I will adde, that albeit the continent hereof doo not extend it selfe vnto the verie Antartike point, but lieth as it were a long table betwéene two seas, of which the later is vnder the South poole,The form [...] of the fift part. and as I may call it a maine sea vnder the aforesaid pricke, yet is it not with|out [page 2] sundrie Ilands also adioining vnto it, and the inner most sea not destitute of manie, as by experience hath béene of late confirmed. Furthermore, whereas our de|scribers of the earth haue made it such in their descrip|tions, as hath reached litle or nothing into the peace|able sea without the Antartike circle: it is now found by Theuet and others, that it extendeth it selfe north|wards into that trace, by no small number of leagues, euen in maner to the Equator, in so much that the we|sterlie part thereof from America, is supposed to reach northward so far from the Antartike article, as Africa dooth southwards from the tropike of Cancer, which is no small portion of ground; & I maruell why not obser|ued by such as heretofore haue written of the same. But they excuse themselues by the ingratitude of the Por|tingals and Spaniards, who haue of purpose concealed manie things found out in their trauell, least they should séeme to open a gap by dooing otherwise, for strangers to enter into their conquests. As for those Ilands also which lie in the peaceable sea, scattered here and there, as Iaua the greater, the lesser Sumatra, Ia|pan, Burneo, &c: with a number of other, I refer them still vnto Asia, as before, so as they be without the compasse of 90. degrées eastward from the line of lon|gitude, & not aboue 180. as I doo the Ile of S. Laurence , and a number of other vnto Africa within the said pro|portion, wishing so little alteration as I may: and yet not yéelding vnto any confusion, whereby the truth of the diuision should hereafter be impeached.

And whereas by Virgil (speaking of our Iland) saith;

Et penitùs toto diuisos orbe Britannos,

And some other authors not vnwoorthie to be read and perused,Unto what portion Bri|taine is re|ferred. it is not certeine vnto which portion of the earth our Ilands, and Thule , with sundrie the like scattered in the north seas should be ascribed, bi|cause they excluded them (as you sée) from the rest of the whole earth: I haue thought good, for facilitie sake of diuision, to refer them all which lie within the first mi|nute of longitude, set downe by Ptolome , to Europa, and that as reason requireth: so that the aforesaid line shall henceforth be their Meta & partition from such as are to be ascribed to America; albeit they come verie neere vnto the aforesaid portion, & may otherwise (with|out preiudice) be numbred with the same. It may be that some will thinke this my dealing either to be su|perfiuous, or to procéed from (I wot not what) foolish curiositie: for the world is now growne to be very apt and readie to iudge the hardest of euerie attempt. But forsomuch as my purpose is to leaue a plaine report of such matter as I doo write of, and deliuer such things as I intreat of in distinct and vpright order; though me|thod now and then doo faile, I will go forward with my indeuour, referring the examination of my dooings to the indifferent and learned eare, without regard what the other doo conceiue and imagine of me. In the meane season therefore it shall suffice to say at this time, that Albion as the mother, and the rest of the Ilands as hir daughters, lieng east of the line of longitude, be still ascribed vnto Europa: wherevnto some good authours heretofore in their writings, & their owne proper or na|turall situations also haue not amisse referred them.

1.5. Whether it be likelie that any giants were, and whether they inhabited in this Ile or not. Cap. 5.

Whether it be likelie that any giants were, and whether they inhabited in this Ile or not. Cap. 5.

[1] _BEsides these aforesaid nations, which haue crept (as you haue heard) into our Iland, we read of sundrie giants that should inhabit here. Which report as it is not altogither incredible, sith the posterities of diuers princes were called by the name: so vn|to some mens eares it séemeth so strange a rehersall, that for the same onelie cause they suspect the credit of our whole historie, & reiect it as a fable, vnworthie to be read. They also condemne the like in all other histories, especiallie of the North, where men are naturallie of greatest stature, imagining all to be but fables that is written of Starcater, Hartben, Angrine, Aruerode, &c: of whom Saxo bongo bongo Saxonis Grammatici Danorum Historia libri XV (Basel, 1533), fols. 47r-v, 51v, 62v, records the exploits of Amgrimus, Aruarrodus, Harthbenus and Starcotherus. , Link to popup Iohannes Magnus Historia Ioannis Magni ... de omnibus Gothorum, Sueonumque regibus ... (Rome, 1554), 163-4, 171-80, 191, records the deeds of Argrimus Sueticus (who is not described as a giant), Starchater and Harthbenus, but seemingly makes no mention of `Aruerode'. and OlausOlaus Magnus, Historia de gentibus septentrionalibus (Rome, 1555), 158-72 (Starchaterus), 173 (Hartbenus), 179-80 (Arngrimus and Aruarodus). doo make mention, & whose bones doo yet remaine to be seene as rare miracles in nature. Of these also some in their life time were able to lift vp (as they write) a vessell of liquor of 1000. weight, or an horsse, or an oxe, & cast it on their shoulders (wherein their verie women haue beene like|wise knowne to come néere vnto them) and of the race of those men, some were séene of no lesse strength in the 1500. of Grace, wherein Olaus liued, and wrote the same of his owne experience and knowledge. Of the giant of Spaine that died of late yeares by a fall vpon the Alpes, as he either went or came from Rome, about the purchase of a dispensation to marrie with his kinswoman (a woman also of much more than com|mon stature) there be men yet liuing, and may liue long for age, that can saie verie much euen by their owne knowledge. Wherfore it appeareth by present ex|perience, that all is not absolutelie vntrue which is re|membred of men of such giants. For this cause ther|fore I haue now taken vpon me to make this breefe discourse insuing, as indeuouring therby to prooue, that the opinion of giants is not altogither grounded vpon vaine and fabulous narrations, inuented onelie to de|light the cares of the hearers with the report of mar|uellous things: but that there haue beene such men in déed, as for their hugenesse of person haue resembled rather Esay. 30. vers. 25Isaiah 30 v.25 (AV): `And there shall be upon every high mountain, and upon every high hill, rivers and streams of waters in the day of the great slaughter, when the towers fall.' . high towers than mortall men, although their posterities are now consumed, and their monstruous races vtterlie worne out of knowledge.

[1] I doo not meane herein to dispute, whether this name Gigas or NephilimA word understood by 16th-century biblical commentators and translators as meaning `giants', as in Numbers 13 v.33: `And there we saw the giants, the sons of Anak, which come of the giants; and we were in our own sight as grasshoppers, and so we were in their sight.' was giuen vnto them, rather for their tyrannie and oppression of the people, than for their greatnesse of bodie, or large steps, as Goropius Ioannis Goropii Becani Origines Antwerpianae (Antwerp, 1569), 161-3 (`Gigantomachia'), argues that giants were tyrants and oppressors. would haue it (for he denieth that euer men were greater than at this present) or bicause their parents were not knowne, for such in old time were called Terrae filij; or whether the word Gigas dooth onlie signifie Indigenas, or homelings, borne in the land or not; neither whether all men were of like quantitie in stature, and farre more greater in old time, than now they be: and yet ab|solutelie I denie neither of these, sith verie probable reasons may be brought for ech of them, but especiallie the last rehearsed, whose confirmation dependeth vpon the authorities of sundrie ancient writers, who make diuers of noble race, equall to the giants in strength and manhood, and yet doo not giue the same name vnto them, bicause their quarels were iust, and commonlie taken in hand for defense of the oppressed. Examples hereof we may take of Hercules and Antheus, Antheus. Lucane lib. 4. in fineThe story of Hercules defeating and killing the giant Antaeus is told by Marcus Annaeus Lucanus, De bello civili, ed. D.R. Shackleton Bailey (Stuttgart and Leipzig, 1997), 96-9 (Book IV lines 593-653) . whose wrestling declareth that they were equall in stature & stomach. Such also was the courage of Antheus, that being often ouercome, and as it were vtterlie vanqui|shed by the said Hercules, yet if he did estsoones returne againe into his kingdome, he foorthwith recouered his force, returned and held Hercules tacke, till he gat at the last betwéene him and home, so cutting off the far|ther hope of the restitution of his armie, and killing fi|nallie his aduersarie in the field, of which victorie Poli|tian Angeli Politiani opera quae quidem extitere ... (Basel, 1553), 598 (Liber epigrammatum) writeth thus:

Incaluere animis dura certare palaestra,
Neptuni quondàm filius atque Iouis:
Non certamen erant operoso ex aere lebetes,
Sed qui vel vitam vel ferat interitum:
Occidit Antaeus Ioue natum viuere fas est,
Est? magistra Pales Graecia, non Lybia.

[1] The like doo our histories report of Corineus and Go|magot The slaying of the giant Gogmagog by the Trojan Corineus is described by Geoffrey of Monmouth, Historia regum Britanniae, Book I c.16. , Corineus. Gomagot. peraduenture king of this Ile, who fought a combat hand to hand, till one of them was slaine, and yet for all this no man reputeth Hercules or Corineus for giants, albeit that Hanuile in his Architrenion `Johannes de Altavilla Architrenius', in T. Wright (ed.), The Anglo-Latin satirical poets and epigrammatists of the twelfth century, 2 vols., Rolls Series (1872), I, 322: ... Hos avidum belli Corinaei robur Averno Praecipitas misit; cubitis ter quatuor altum Gemagog Herculea suspendit in aera lucta, Antaeumque suum scopulo detrusit in aequor ... make the later to be 12. cubits in height, which is full 18. foot, if poeticall licence doo not take place in his report and assertion. But sith (I say againe) it is not my purpose to stand vpon these points, I passe ouer to speake any more of them. And whereas also I might haue procéeded in such order, that I should first set downe by manie circumstances, whether any gi|ants were, then whether they were of such huge and in|credible stature as the authours doo remember, and fi|nallie whether any of them haue beene in this our I|land or not, I protest plainlie, that my mind is not here bent to deale in any such maner, but rather generallie to confirme and by sufficient authoritie, that there haue beene such mightie men of stature, and some of them al|so in Britaine, which I will set downe onelie by sundrie examples, whereby it shall fall out, that neither our Iland, nor any part of the maine, haue at one time or other béen altogither without them. First of all therfore, & to begin with the scriptures, the most sure & certeine ground of all knowledge: you shall haue out of them [page 9] such notable examples set downe, as I haue obserued in reading the same, which vnto the godlie may suffice for sufficient proofe of my position. Neuerthelesse, after the scriptures I will resort to the wrttings of our lear|ned Diuines, and finallie of the infidell and pagane authors, whereby nothing shall seeme to want that may confute Goropius, and all his cauillations.

[1] [2] Moses the prophet of the Lord, Cap. 6. vers. 5.Genesis VI c.4 (AV): `There were giants in the earth in those days; and also after that, when the sons of God came in unto the daughters of men, and they bare children to them, the same became mighty men which were of old, men of renown.' This passage also uses the expression `Nephelim'. writing of the estate of things before the floud, hath these words in his booke of generations. In these daies saith he, there were gi|ants vpon the earth. Berosus also the Chalde writeth, Anti. li. 1.Annius of Viterbo, Berosi sacerdotis Chaldaici ... libri quinque ... (Antwerp, 1552), 46-7, records the building of the city of Enos, whose ruins were to be seen on Mount Lebanon. that néere vnto Libanus there was a citie called Oe|non (which I take to be Hanoch, builded sometime by Cham) wherein giants did inhabit, who trusting to the strength and hugenesse of their bodies, did verie great oppression and mischeefe in the world. The Hebrues called them generallie Enach, of Hanach the Che|bronite, father to Achimam, Scheschai and Talma, al|though their first originall was deriued from Henoch the sonne of Caine, of whome that pestilent race des|cended, as I read. The Moabits named them Emims, and the Ammonites Zamsummims, and it should seeme by the second of Deut. cap. 19, 20Deuteronomy 2, vv.20-1 (AV): `That also was accounted a land of giants; giants dwelt therein in old time; and the Ammonites call them Zam-zummims; A people great, and many, and tall, as the Anakims; but the Lord destroyed them before them; and they succeeded them, and dwelt in their tents ...' . that Ammon and Moab were greatlie replenished with such men, when Moses wrote that treatise. For of these monsters some families remained of greater stature than other vnto his daies, [...]. cap. 13. verse. 33, & 34See note on the word `Nephilim' above. . in comparison of whome the children of Israell confessed themselues to be but grashoppers. Which is one noble testimonie that the word Gigas or Enach is so well taken for a man of huge stature, as for an homeborne child, wicked tyrant, or oppressour of the people.

[1] Furthermore,Deut. 3. vers. 11. Og of Basan. there is mention made also in the scriptures of Og, sometime king of Basan Deuteronomy III, v.11 (AV): `For only Og king of Bashan remained of the remnant of the giants; behold, his bedstead was a bedstead of iron; is it not in Rabbath of the children of Ammon? nine cubits was the length thereof, and four cubits the breadth of it, after the cubit of a man.' , who was the last of the race of the giants, that was left in the land of promise to be ouercome by the Israelits, & whose iron bed was afterward shewed for a woonder at Rabbath (a citie of the Ammonites) conteining 9. cubits in length, and 4. in bredth, which cubits I take not to be geometri|call, (that is, each one so great as six of the smaller, as those were wherof the Arke was made, as our Diuines affirme, especiallie Augustine: whereas Origen, hom. 2. in Gen. `In Genesim Homilia II', in Origenis Opera II, PG 12 (1857), cols. 166-7 discusses the dimensions of the cubit, as part of a treatise on Noah's ark. out of whom he seemeth to borrow it, appeareth to haue no such meaning directlie) but rather of the arme of a meane man, which oftentimes dooth varie & differ from the standard. Oh how Goropius dalieth about the historie of this Og, of the breaking of his pate against the beds head, & of hurting his ribs against the sides, and all to prooue, that Og was not bigger than other men, and so he leaueth the matter as sufficientlie an|swered with a French countenance of truth. But see August. de ciuit. lib. 15. cap. 25. & ad Faustum Manich. lib. 12Augustine, De civitate Dei Book XV c.25 is concerned with God's anger and seems irrelevant to any point that Harrison is making here, though the book in which it occurs devotes a good deal of space to Noah's ark; Book XII cc. 14-22 of Augustine's `Contra Faustum Manichaeum', in Augustini Opera VIII, PL 42 (1845), cols. 262-7, are also concerned with the ark and its significance. . AmbrosPresumably `De Noe et arca', Ambrosii opera omnia I, PL 14 (1845), cols. 361-416. . &c. and Iohannes ButeoJohannes Buteo [Jean Borrel], `De arca Noe', formed part of his Opera Geometrica (Lyon, 1554). that excellent geo|metrician, who hath written of purpose of the capacitie of the Arke.

[1] In the first of Samuel you shall read of Goliah a PhilistineI Samuel XVII vv.4-7 (AV) describes the size, armour and weapons of Goliath. ,Cap 17. ver. 4, 5, 6. Goliah. the weight of whose brigandine or shirt of maile was of 5000. sicles, or 1250. ounces of brasse, which amounteth to 104. pound of Troie weight after 4. common sicles to the ounce. The head of his speare came vnto ten pound English or 600. sicles of that me|tall. His height also was measured at six cubits and an hand bredth. All which doo import that he was a notable giant, and a man of great stature & strength to weare such an armour, and beweld so heauie a lance. But Goropius thinking himselfe still to haue Og in hand, and indeuouring to extenuate the fulnesse of the letter to his vttermost power, dooth neuerthelesse earnest|lie affirme, that he was not aboue three foot more than the common sort of men, or two foot higher than Saule: and so he leaueth it as determined.

[1] In the second of Samuel, The four giants born in Gath are described in II Samuel 21, vv.16, 18-22 (AV). Cap. 21. ver. 26, 17, &c. I find report of foure gi|ants borne in Geth; of which Ishbenob the first, that would haue killed Dauid, had a speare, whose head weighed the iust halfe of that of Golias [...]: the second cal|led Siphai, Sippai or Saph, 1. Par. 20. was nothing infe|riour to the first: the third hight also Goliah, the staffe of whose speare was like vnto the beame of a weauers loome, neuerthelesse he was slaine in the second battell in Gob by Elhanan, as the first was by Abisai Ioabs brother, and the second by Elhanan. The fourth brother (for they were all brethren) was slaine at Gath by Io|nathan nephew to Dauid, and he was not onlie huge of personage, but also of disfigured forme, for he had 24. fingers and toes. Wherby it is euident, that the genera|tion of giants was not extinguished in Palestine, vn|till the time of Dauid, which was 2890. after the floud, nor vtterlie consumed in Og, as some of our expositors would haue it.

[1] Now to come vnto our christian writers. For though the authorities alreadie alleged out of the word, are suf|ficient to confirme my purpose at the full; yet will I not let to set downe such other notes as experience hath reuealed, onelie to the end that the reader shall not thinke the name of giants, with their quantities, and other circumstances, mentioned in the scriptures, ra|ther to haue some mysticall interpretation depending vpon them, than that the sense of the text in this be|halfe is to be taken simplie as it speaketh. And first of all to omit that which Tertullian Lib. 2. de resurrect. One would expect this work to be Tertullian's De resurrectione carnis, which, however, has only one book. This is the first of several citations of works referred to, usually in identical terms, in Jean Chassanion, De gigantibus, eorumque reliquiis (Basel, 1580), 47, and it would appear that Harrison commonly took over both text and quotation, without checking either; as a result, as here, he sometimes reproduced an error in his source. saith; S. Augustine noteth, De ciuitate Dei lib. 15. cap. 9Cited by Chassanion, 66. . how he with other saw the tooth of a man, wherof he tooke good aduisement, and pronounced in the end that it would haue made 100. of his owne, or anie other mans that liued in his time. The like hereof also dooth Iohn BoccaceGiovanni Boccaccio, De Genealogia Deorum, cited by Chassanion, 52-6. set downe,Iohannes Boccacius. in the 68. chapter of his 4. booke, saieng that in the caue of a mountaine, not far from Drepanum (a towne of Sicilia called E|ryx as he gesseth) the bodie of an excéeding high giant was discouered, thrée of whose teeth did weigh 100. ounces, which being conuerted into English poise, doth yeeld eight pound and foure ounces, after twelue oun|ces to the pound, that is 33. ounces euerie tooth.

He addeth farther, that the forepart of his scull was able to conteine manie bushels of wheat, and by the proportion of the bone of his thigh, the Sym|metricians iudged his bodie to be aboue 200. cubits. Those teeth,A carcase discouered of 200. cu|bits. scull, and bones, were (and as I thinke yet are, for ought I know to the contrarie) to be seene in the church of Drepanum in perpetuall memorie of his greatnesse, whose bodie was found vpon this occasi|on. As some digged in the earth to laie the foundati|on of an house, the miners happened vpon a great vault, not farre from Drepanum: whereinto when they were entred, they saw the huge bodie of a man sitting in the caue, of whose greatnesse they were so afraid, that they ranne awaie, and made an outcrie in the citie, how there sat a man in such a place, so great as an hill: the people hearing the newes, ran out with clubs and wea|pons, as if they should haue gone vnto a foughten field, and 300. of them entring into the caue, they foorth|with saw that he was dead, and yet sat as if he had béen aliue, hauing a staffe in his hand, compared by mine author vnto the mast of a tall ship, which being touched fell by and by to dust, sauing the nether end betwéene his hand and the ground, whose hollownesse was filled with 1500. pound weight of lead, to beare vp his arme that it should not fall in péeces: neuerthelesse, his bodie also being touched fell likewise into dust, sauing three of his aforesaid teeth, the forepart of his scull, and one of his thigh bones, which are reserued to be séene of such as will hardlie beleeue these reports.

In the histories of Brabant I read of a giant found, whose bones were 17. or 18. cubits in length, but Goro|pius,Goropius, Origines Antwerpiae, 178-81. as his maner is, denieth them to be the bones of a man, affirming rather that they were the bones of an elephant, because they somwhat resembled those of two such beasts which were found at the making of the fa|mous ditch betwéene Bruxels and MachlinProbably the Willebroek Canal linking Brussels to the Scheldt, begun in 1550; in fact it bypassed Mechelen. . As though [page 10] there were anie precise resemblance betwéene the bones of a man and of an elephant, or that there had euer béene any elephant of 27. foot in length. But sée his demeanour. In the end he granteth that another bodie was found vpon the shore of Rhodanus, of thirtie foot in length. Which somewhat staieth his iudgement, but not altogither remooueth his error.

[1] The bodie of Pallas ... Matthaeus Westmonasteriensis ... Flores Historiarum ... (1567), 315-16, gives an elaborate description of the discovery of the remains of Pallas in Rome in 1037. was found in Italie,Mat. West|mon. in the yeare of Grace 1038. and being measured it conteined twen|tie foot in length, this Pallas was companion with Ae|neas.

[1] There was a carcase also laid bare 1170. in EnglandT. Hog (ed.), F. Nicholai Triveti Annales, English Historical Society 6 (1845), 65, records the discovery of what were believed to be the bones of a giant on an unidentified shore at the time of the spring equinox, 1170/1. vpon the shore (where the beating of the sea had wash|ed awaie the earth from the stone wherein it laie) and when it was taken vp,Iohannes Leland. MafieusMost likely Raffaelo Maffei (1451-1522), known as Volaterranus - perhaps his encyclopaedic Commentarii. , Lib. 14. Triuet. Mat. West. it conteined 50. foot in measu [...], as our histories doo report. The like was seene before in Wales, in the yeare 1087. of another of 14. foot.

[1] In Perth moreouer a village in Scotland another was taken vp, which to this daie they shew in a church, vnder the name of little IohnThe discovery of the bones of Little John is recorded by Hector Boethius in the Scotorum Regni Descriptio which precedes his Scottish history of 1526, at fol. 9r. But the closeness of Harrison's phrasing to that of John Bellenden in the latter's translation of Boethius - `we saw his hanche bane as mekill as the haill bane of ane man. For we schot our arme in the mouth thairof ...' - suggests that he used the translation rather than the original. (per Antiphrasin) being also 14. foot in length, as diuerse doo affirme which haue beholden the same,Hector Boet. and whereof Hector Boetius dooth saie, that he did put his whole arme into one of the hanch bones: which is worthie to be remembred.

[1] In the yeare of Grace 1475. the bodie of Tulliola the daughter of Cicero was taken vp, & found higher by not a few foot than the common sort of women li|uing in those daies.

[1] Geruasius TilberiensisGervase of Tilbury, Otia imperialia, ed. and trans. S.E. Banks and J.W. Binns (Oxford, 2002), 150-1: `There was also Isoret, whom St William killed: we have seen his tomb in a suburb of Paris, and it is twenty feet long even without the head and neck ...'. Harrison misread the name of the dead man as that of his place of burial. , Geruasius Tilberien|sis. head Marshall to the king of Arles writeth in his Chronicle dedicated to Otho 4. how that at Isoretum, in the suburbes of Paris, he saw the bodie of a man that was twentie foot long, beside the head and the necke, which was missing & not found, the owner hauing peraduenture béene beheaded for some notable trespasse committed in times past, or (as he saith) killed by S. William.

The Greeke writers make mention of AndronicusProbably the History of Nicetas Choniates, which records the marriage of Andronicus to Anna, the daughter of the king of France, when she was not yet eleven years old; but although Nicetas describes Andronicus as of `statura heroica', he does not seem to describe him as ten foot tall, which may be embroidery on Harrison's part - Nicetae Choniatae opera omnia, 2 vols, PG 139-40 (1865), I, cols. 628-30, 711. their emperour, who liued 1183. of Grace, and was ten foot in height, that is, thrée foot higher than the Dutch manHarrison seems to have misremembered the year, this was presumably the Dutch man whom John Stow, in his continuation of the reign of Elizabeth in The Historie of England, recorded having seen in the parish of St Peter, Cornhill, on 17 July 1581. that shewed himselfe in manie places of Eng|land, 1582. this man maried Anna daughter to Lewis of France (before assured to Alexius, whome he stran|gled, dismembred and drowned in the sea) the ladie not being aboue eleuen yeares of age, whereas he was an old dotard, and beside hir he kept Marpaca a fine har|lot, who ruled him as she listed.

ZonarasIoannes Zonaras, Epitome historiarum, ed. L.A. Dindorf and C. Ducange, 6 vols. (Leipzig, 1868-76), Book XIV, c.5.32-3, reports `a certain Cilician woman comparable in form to the giants ...'. Translations of Zonaras into Latin were published from 1556 onwards. speaketh of a woman that liued in the daies of Iustine, who being borne in Cilicia, and of verie comelie personage, was neuerthelesse almost two foot taller than the tallest woman of hir time.

[1] A carcase was taken vp at Iuie church neere Sa|lisburie but of late yeares to speake of,Sir Thomas Eliot. almost fourtéene foot long. in Dictionario Eliotae.T. Cooper (ed.), Bibliotheca Eliotae (3rd. edn., 1559), under `G ante I': Gigas ... About xxx yeres passed, I my selfe, beyng with my father syr Richarde Elyot, at a monasterye of regular chanons, called Ivy churche, two myles from the citee of Sarisbury, behelde the bones of a dead man founde depe in the grounde, where they digged stone, whyche beyng ioygned together, was in length xiii foote and x ynches, wherof one of the teethe my father had, which was of the quantitee of a great walnutte ...'. The Augustinian priory of Ivychurch, south-east of Salisbury, was dissolved in 1536. Sir Richard Elyot died in 1522.

[1] In Gillesland in Come Whitton The itinerary of John Leland ed. L.T. Smith, V (1910), 52, records the discovery at Cumwhitton of a body of unusual size - `inusitatis magnitudinis' - but says nothing about a stone coffin. paroche not far from the chappell of the Moore,Leland in Combrit. six miles by east from Carleill, a coffin of stone was found, and therein the bones of a man, of more than incredible greatnes. In like sort Leland speaketh of another found in the Ile called Alderney The Itinerary of John Leland, ed. L.T. Smith, IV (1909), 186. , whereof you shall read more in the chapiter of our Ilands.

[1] [2] Richard Grafton in his ManuellRichard Grafton, A Manuell of the Chronicles of England (1565), fol. iir: `... And I the writer hereof did see, the x daie of Marche, in the yere of our lord MDlxiiii, and had the same in my hande, the tothe of a man, whiche weyed .x. unces of Troy weight. And the skull of the same man is extant and to be seen, whiche will holde five peckes of wheate. And the shinne bone of the same man is .vi. foote in length, and of a merveilous greatnesse ...' telleth of one whose shinbone conteined six foot,Richard Grafton. and thereto his scull so great that it was able to receiue fiue pecks of wheat. Where|fore by coniecturall symmetrie of these parts, his bodie must needs be of 24. foot, or rather more, if it were dili|gentlie measured. For the proportion of a comelie and well featured bodie, answereth 9. times to the length of the face, taken at large from the pitch of the crowne to the chin,The Sym|metrie or proportion of the bodie of a comelie man. as the whole length is from the same place vnto the sole of the foot, measured by an imagined line, and seuered into so manie parts by like ouerthwart draughts, as Drurerus[Albrecht Durer] Alberti Dureri clarissimi pictoris et Geometrae de Symmetria ... (Nuremberg, 1534), perhaps fol. Diij recto, or Harrison may have had in mind the schematic plan of the body on fol. i iiij verso, showing it divided into ten unequal parts. in his lineall description of mans bodie doth deliuer. Neuertheles, this symmetrie is not taken by other than the well proportioned face, for Recta, orbiculata (or fornicata) prona, resupinata, and lacu|nata (or repanda) doo so far degenerate from the true pro|portion as from the forme and beautie of the comelie. Hereby also they make the face taken in strict maner, to be the tenth part of the whole bodie, that is, frõ the high|est part of the forehead to the pitch of the chin, so that in the vse of the word face there is a difference, wherby the 9. part is taken (I say) from the crowne (called Vertex, because the haire there turneth into a circle) so that if the space by a rule were truelie taken, I meane from the crowne or highest part of the head to the pitch of the nether chap, and multiplied by nine, the length of the whole bodie would easilie appeare, & shew it selfe at the full. In like maner I find, that from the elbow to the top of the midle finger is the 4. part of the whole length, called a cubit: from the wrist to the top of the same fin|ger, a tenth part: the length of the shinbone to the ancle a fourth part (and all one with the cubit:) from the top of the finger to the third ioint, two third parts of the face from the top of the forehead. Which obseruations I willinglie remember in this place, to the end that if anie such carcases happen to be found hereafter, it shall not be hard by some of these bones here mentioned, to come by the stature of the whole bodie, in certeine & ex|act maner. As for the rest of the bones, ioints, parts, &c: you may resort to Drurerus, Cardan Les livres de Hierome Cardanus ... traduis de Latin en Francois par Richard le Blanc (Paris, 1556), fol. 247v (De la necessite et forme de l'homme, livre unzieme): La forme du cors humain parfait est telle. Le face est la dixieme partie de la longueur ... , and other writers, sith the farther deliuerie of them concerneth not my purpose. To proceed therefore with other examples, I read that the bodie of king Arthur Presumably `De principis instructione liber', Giraldi Cambrensis opera VIII, ed. G.F. Warner, Rolls Series (1891), 128-9, where, however, the description of King Arthur's huge remains contains no comparative figure as precise as the one provided by Harrison. being found in the yeare 1189. was two foot higher than anie man thatSyluester Gyraldus. came to behold the same. Finallie the carcase of Wil|liam conquerorNo source for this statement has been found. But it seems possible that 1542 is a misprint of 1562, when Huguenots desecrated the tomb of William I in the abbey church of St Etienne in Caen and brought his physical remains to light - C. Hippeau, L'Abbaye de Saint-Etienne de Caen (Caen, 1855), 181-2 (quoting an eye-witness account). was séene not manie yeares since (to wit, 1542.) in the citie of Cane, twelue inches longer, by the iudgment of such as saw it,Constans fama Gal|lorum. than anie man which dwelled in the countrie. All which testimonies I note togither, bicause they proceed from christian writers, from whome nothing should be farther or more distant, than of set purpose to lie, and feed the world with fables.

In our times also, and whilest Francis the first reig|ned ouer France, there was a man séene in Aqui|teine, This story of the giant of Bordeaux is taken from Chassaneon,25-6, who adds that the man found service at court so burdensome that he fled after a few days of it. whome the king being in those parties made of his gard, whose height was such, that a man of common heigth might easilie go vnder his twist without stoo|ping, a stature incredible. Moreouer Casanion, a wri|ter of our time, telleth of the bones of BriatChassanion, De gigantibus, which provides all the accounts of the discovery of the remains of`Briatus' cited by Harrison. a giant found of late in Delphinois, Briat. of 15. cubits, the diame|ter of whose scull was two cubits, and the breadth of his shoulders foure, as he himselfe beheld in the late se|cond wars of France, & wherevnto the report of Ioan Marius made in his bookes De Galliarum illustrationibus Another citation lifted bodily from Chassanion, quoting Jean Lemaire de Belges, Illustrations de Gaule et singularites de Troie (1510-13). , where he writeth of the carcase of the same giant found not farre from the Rhodanus, which was 22. foot long, from the scull to the sole of the feet, dooth yéeld sufficient testimonie. Also Calameus in his commentaries De Biturigibus Jean Chaumeau, Regionis biturigum exactissima descriptio (1570), also taken over from Chassanion, 58-60. , confirmeth no lesse, adding that he was found 1556. & so dooth Baptista Fulgosus, lib. 1. cap. 6. Baptistae Fulgosi de dictis factisque memoralibus collectanea (Milan, 1509), yet another source cited on the strength of a reference by Chassanion, 60-1. `Valentia' is Valence. sai|eng farther, that his graue was seene not farre from Valentia, and discouered by the violence and current of the Rhodanus. The said CasanionChassanion, De Gigantibus, 61-2. in like sort spea|keth of the bones of a man which he beheld, one of whose téeth was a foot long, and eight pound in weight. Also of the sepulchre of another neere vnto CharmesChassaneon, De Gigantibus, 62. castell, which was nine paces in length, things incredible to vs, if eiesight did not confirme it in our owne times, and these carcases were not reserued by the verie pro|uidence of God, to the end we might behold his works, and by these relikes vnderstand, that such men were in old time in deed, of whose statures we now begin to doubt. Now to say somwhat also of mine owne know|ledge, there is the thighbone of a man to be séene in the church of S. Laurence néere Guildhall in LondonJohn Stow, A survey of London, ed. C.L. Kingsford, 2 vols. (Oxford, 1971), I, 275, in his account of the church of St Lawrence Jewry describes `the shanke bone of a man (as it is taken) ... 25 inches in length by the rule, remayneth yet fastened to a post of timber ...', and adds the marginal comment `...of a man as is said, but might be of an Oliphant.' , which in time past was 26. inches in length, but now it beginneth to decaie, so that it is shorter by foure inches than it was in the time of king Edward. Another also [page 11] is to be seene in Aldermar [...]e burie, of some called Al|dermanburieJohn Stow, A survey of London, ed. C.L. Kingsford, 2 vols. (Oxford, 1971), I, 292-3, describes `a shanke bone of a man (as is said) very great and larger by three inches and a halfe then that which hangeth in S. Lawrence church in the Iury, for it is in length 28 inches and a half of assisse, but not as hard and steely...' as hanging in the cloister of the church of St Mary Aldermanbury. Stow adds that it was alleged to have been removed from the charnel house of St Paul's Cathedral, but (perhaps in implicit contradiction of Harrison) casts doubt on this, on the authority of Reyner Wolfe, who had paid for the removal of thousands of cartloads of bones from St Paul's to Moorfields, but knew nothing of any such bone. , of 32. inches and rather more, whereof the symmetrie hath beene taken by some skilfull in that practise, and an image made according to that pro|portiõ, which is fixed in the east end of the cloister of the same church, not farre from the said bone, and sheweth the person of a man full ten or eleuen foot high, which as some say was found in the cloister of Poules, that was neere to the librarie, at such time as the Duke of So|merset did pull it downe to the verie foundation, and carried the stones thereof to the Strand, where he did build his house. These two bones haue I séene, beside other, whereof at the beholding I tooke no great heed, bicause I minded not as then to haue had any such vse of their proportions, and therefore I will speake no more of them: this is sufficient for my purpose that is deliuered out of the christian authors.

[1] Now it resteth furthermore that I set downe, what I haue read therof in Pagane writers, who had alwaies great regard of their credit, and so ought all men that dedicate any thing vnto posteri [...]ie, least in going about otherwise to reape renowme and praise, they doo pro|cure vnto themselues in the end nothing else but meere contempt and infamie. For my part I will touch rare things, and such as to my selfe doo séeme almost incredi|ble: howbeit as I find them, so I note them, requiring your Honour in reading hereof, to let euerie Author beare his owne burden, and euerie oxe his bundle.

[1] Plutarch Plutarch's Lives VIII, trans. B. Perrin (Loeb, 1949), 24-5 (Life of Sertorius). telleth how Sertorius being in Lybia,In vita Ser|iorij de An|theo. néere to the streicts of Maroco, to wit, at Tingi (or Tanger in Mauritania, as it is now called) caused the sepulchre of Antheus, afore remembred to be opened: for hearing by common report that the said giant laie buried there, whose corps was fiftie cubits long at the least, he was so far off from crediting the same, that he would not be|leeue it, vntill he saw the coffin open wherein the bones of the aforesaid prince did rest. To be short therefore, he caused his souldiers to cast downe the hill made some|time ouer the tombe, and finding the bodie in the bot|tome coffined in stone, after the measure therof taken, he saw it manifestlie to be 60. cubits in length, which were ten more than the people made accompt of, which Strabo The Geography of Strabo VIII ed. R.G. Bury (Loeb, 1949), 170-1 (Book 17, 3.8); also cited by Chassaneon, De Gigantibus, 51. also confirmeth.

PausaniasPausanias, Description of Greece, trans. W.H.S. Jones, I (Loeb, 1964), 188-93 (Book I c.35), records the remains of Ajax (reported by `a Mysian'), Asterius, and either Geryon or Hyllus, `a son of earth'. reporteth out of one Miso, that when the bodie of Aiax was found, the whirlebone of his knée was adindged so broad as a pretie dish: also that the bo|die of Asterius somtime king of Creta was ten cubits long, and that of Hyllus or Gerion no lesse maruelous than the rest, all which GoropiusGoropius, Origines Antwerpiae, 178-81. still condemneth to be the bones of monsters of the sea (notwithstanding the manifest formes of their bones, epitaphes, and inscripti|ons found ingrauen in brasse and lead with them in their sepulchres) so far is he from being persuaded and led from his opinion.

[1] Philostrate in Heroicis Probably another direct borrowing from Chassaneon, De Gigantibus, 48. saith,Philostrate. how he saw the bodie of a giant thirtie cubits in length, also the carcase of ano|ther of two and twentie, and the third of twelue.

Liuie Titi Livii Ab Urbe Condita II, Libri VI-X, ed. C.F. Walters and R.S. Conway (Oxford, 1919), 83-4 (Book VII cc.9-10), describes how Titus Manlius defeated and killed a huge Gaul who challenged a Roman to fight with him. This episode, too, may have been taken from Chassaneon, De Gigantibus, 21-2, rather than from its ostensible source. in the seauenth of his first decade, speaketh of an huge person which made a challenge as he stood at the end of the Anien bridge, against any Romane that would come out and fight with him, whose stature was not much inferiour to that of Golias, of ArtachesArtachaias, described as `the tallest of Persians, about eight feet tall' [translator's note: `four fingers short of five royal cubits'] by Herodotus, Histories, Book VII, 117. Also Chassaneon, 22. (of whome Herodot speaketh in the historie of Xerxes) who was sixe common cubits of stature, which make but fiue of the kings standard, bicause this is longer by thrée fingers than the other. Of Pusio, Secundilla, & Cabaras Pliny, Natural History II, trans. H. Rackham (Loeb, 1947), 552-5 (Book VII, 16), records the giants Gabbara, Pusio and Secundilla. , of which the first two liuing vnder Augustus were aboue ten foot, and the later vnder Claudius of full nine? and all remembred by Plinie; of Eleazar a Iew, of whome IosephusCited by Chassaneon, De Gigantibus, 24. saith, that he was sent to Tiberius, and a per|son of heigth fiue cubits, of another of whom Nice|phorus maketh mention lib. 12. cap. 13. Hist. eccles. Cited by Chassaneon, De Gigantibus, 24, where this episode is dated to the time of Theodosius. of fiue cubits and an handfull, I say nothing, bicause Casani|onAll these examples occur in Chassaneon, De Gigantibus, 23-4. of Mutterell hath alredie sufficientlie discoursed vp|on these examples in his De gigantibus, which as I gesse he hath written of set purpose against Goropius, who in his Gigantomachia, supposeth himselfe to haue killed all the giants in the world, and like a new Iupiter Al|terum carcasse Herculem, as the said CasanionChassaneon several times criticises Goropius for his scepticism towards giants, especially at pp. 6, 49-52. dooth meri|lie charge and vpbraid him.

[1] PliniePliny, Natural History II, trans. H. Rackham (Loeb, 1947), 552-5 (Book VII, 16). telleth of an earthquake at Creta,Lib. 7. which disco|uered the body of a giant, that was 46. cubits in length after the Romane standard, and by diuerse supposed to be the bodie of Orion or Aetion. Neuerthelesse I read, that Lucius Flaccus and Metellus Named by Julius Solinus, Polyhistor (Venice, 1518), fols. 51r-52v. did sweare Per sua ca|pita, that it was either the carcase of some monster of the sea, or a forged deuise to bleare the peoples eies withall, wherein it is wonderfull to see, how they please Goropius as one that first deriued his fantasticall ima|gination from their asseueration & oth. The said PlinieHarrison is repeating in this new passage material he had already used in another new passage - Gabbara is referred to above as Cabaras, while Pusio and Secundilla, named above, were the people now described as `reserved in conditorio Sallustianorum'. also addeth that the bodie of Orestes was seuen cubits in length, one Gabbara of Arabia nine foot nine inches, and two reserued In conditorio Sallustianorum halfe a foot longer than Gabbara was, for which I neuer read that anie man was driuen to sweare.

[1] TrallianusPresumably the 6th-century Greek physician Alexander of Tralles. writeth how the Athenienses digging on a time in the ground,Trallianus. to laie the foundation of a new wall to be made in a certeine Iland in the daies of an emperour, did find the bones of Macrosyris in a coffin of hard stone, of 100. cubits in length after the ac|compt of the Romane cubit, which was then either a foot and a halfe, or not much in difference from halfe a yard of our measure now in England. These verses al|so, as they are now translated out of Gréeke were found withall,

Sepultus ego Macrosyris in longa insula
Vitae peractis annis mille quinquies: which amounteth
to 81. yeares foure moneths, after the Aegyptian rec|koning.

[1] In the time of Hadrian the emperour, the bodie of the giant Ida was taken vp at Messana, conteining 20. foot in length, and hauing a double row of teeth, yet standing whole in his chaps. Eumachus also in Perigesi This lost writing by Eumachus of Carthage is quoted by Phlegon of Tralles, whose De mirabilibus et longaevis libellus was printed in Antonini Liberalis Transformationum Congeries (Basel, 1568), at p.94. , telleth that when the Carthaginenses went about to dich in their prouince, they found two bodies in seue|rall coffins of stone, the one was 23. the other 24. cubits in length, such another was found in Bosphoro Cymmerio after an earthquake, but the inhabitants did cast those bones into the Meotidan marris. In Dal|matia, manie graues were shaken open with an earth|quake, in diuerse of which certein carcases were found, whose ribs conteined 16. els, after the Romane mea|sure, whereby the whole bodies were iudged to be 64. sith the longest rib is commonlie about the fourth part of a man, as some rouing symmetricians affirme.

[1] Arrhianus Arrian, trans. E.I. Robson, 2 vols. (Loeb, 1961-6), II, 59 (Anabasis Alexandri, Book XIX, i): `Porus was then conducted to Alexander, who learning of his approach rode and met him in advance of the line with a few of the Companions, then halting his horse, he admired the great size of Porus, who was over five cubits in height ...'. Porus is also given as an example of a giant by Chassaneon, 22. , saith that in the time of Alexander the bo|dies of the Asianes were generallie of huge stature, and commonlie of fiue cubits, and such was the heigth of Porus of Inde, whom the said Alexander vanquished and ouerthrew in battell.

[1] Suidas Suidae Historica ed. and trans. Hieronymus Wolfius (Basel, 1564), col. 189, records Ganges as king of Ethiopia, ten cubits in stature, killed by Alexander. speaketh of Ganges, killed also by the said prince, who farre exceeded Porus; for he was ten cubits long. What should I speake of Artaceas a capitaine in the host of Xerxes? afore remembred, whose heigth was within 4. fingers bredth of fiue cubits, & the tallest man in the armie except the king himselfe. Herod. lib. 7. Of AthanatusPliny, Natural History II, trans. H. Rackham (Loeb, 1947), 560-1 (Book VII c.20.83), names Athanatus as an example of immense strength rather than exeptional height, since he was able to walk across a stage wearing a lead breastplate weighing 500 pounds and boots weighing a further 500 pounds. He is also mentioned by Chassaneon, 34. whom Plinie remembreth I saie nothing. But of all these, this one example shall passe, which I doo read of in Trallianus, and he setteth downe in forme and manner following.

[1] [2] In the daies of Tiberius th' emperor saith he, a corps was left bare or laid open after an earthquake, of which ech tooth (taken one with another) conteined 12. inches ouer at the least. Now forsomuch as in such as be full mouthed,A mouth of sixteene foot wide. ech chap hath commonlie 16. teeth at the least, which amount vnto 32. in the whole, needs must the widenesse of this mans chaps be welneere of 16. foot, and the opening of his lips fiue at the least. A large [page 12] mouth in mine opinion, and not to eat peason with La|dies of my time, besides that if occasion serued, it was able to receiue the whole bodies of mo than one of the greatest men, I meane of such as we be in our daies. When this carcase was thus found, euerie man mar|uelled at it, & good cause why. A messenger was sent to Tiberius the emperour also to know his pleasure,A counter|fect made of a monstrous carcase by one tooth ta|ken out of the head. whe|ther he would haue the same brought ouer vnto Rome or not, but he forbad them, willing his Legate not to remooue the dead out of his resting place, but rather somewhat to satisfie his phantasie to send him a tooth out of his head, which being done, he gaue it to a cunning workeman, commanding him to shape a carcase of light matter, after the proportion of the tooth, that at the least by such means he might satisfie his curious mind, and the fantasies of such as are delited with nouelties. To be short,This man was more fauorable to this monster than our pa|pists were to the bodies of the dead who tare them in peeces to make money of them. when the image was once made and set vp on end, it appéered rather an huge colossie than the true carcase of a man, and when it had stood in Rome vntill the people were wearie & throughlie satisfied with the sight thereof, he caused it to be broken all to peeces, and the tooth sent againe to the carcase frõ whence it came, willing them moreouer to couer it diligentlie, and in anie wise not to dismember the corps, nor from thence|foorth to be so hardie as to open the sepulchre anie more. Pausan. lib. 8.Pausanias, Description of Greece IV, trans. W.H.S. Jones (Loeb, 1965), 78-9 (Book VIII, 36.2-3), records how `Hoplodamus and his few giants' protected Rhea while she was pregnant with Zeus. telleth in like maner of Hiplodanus & his fellowes, who liued when Rhea was with child of Osyris by Cham, and were called to hir aid at such time as she feared to be molested by Hammon hir first husband, whilest she remained vpon the Thoumasian hill, In ipso loco, Grandiáque effossis mira|bitur ossa se|pulchris. saith he, spectantur ossa maiora multo quàm vt humana existimari possunt, &c. Of Protophanes who had but one great and broad bone in steed of all his ribs on ech side I saie nothing, sith it concerneth not his stature.

I could rehearse manie mo examples of the bodies of such men, out of SolinusJulius Solinus, Polyhistor (Venice, 1518), fols. 51r-52v (mostly records giants already referred to be Harrison). , Sabellicus Opera M. Antonii Coccii Sabellici, 2 vols. (Basel, 1538) I, 2, records mostly examples of giants already referred to by Harrison, along with one whose remains were recently found in Crete. , D. CooperMost likely Thomas Cooper, An epitome of cronicles (1549), fol. 8r: `... And as thei lyved than muche longer than we doo nowe: so it is plaine, that thei had farre greatter bodyes than we have nowe ...'. , and o|thers. As of Oetas and Ephialtes Homer, Odyssey, Book XI, lines 305-20, tells how when Otus and Ephialtes were nine years old they were nine cubits broad and nine fathoms tall. They are also mentioned by Chassaneon, 30. , who were said to be nine orgies or paces in heigth, and foure in bredth, which are taken for so many cubits, bicause there is small dif|ference betwéene a mans ordinarie pace and his cubit, and finallie of our Richard the first, who is noted to beare an axe in the wars, the iron of whose head onelie weighed twentie pound after our greatest weight, and whereof an old writer that I haue seene, saith thus:

This king Richard I vnderstand,
Yer he went out of England,
Let make an axe for the nones,
Therewith to cleaue the Saracens bones,
The head in sooth was wrought full weele,
Thereon were twentie pound of steele,
And when he came in Cyprus land,
That ilkon axe he tooke in hand, &c.

[1] [2] [3] I could speake also of Gerards staffeJohn Stow, A survey of London, ed. C.L. Kingsford, 2 vols. (Oxford, 1971), I, 348-9, records how in `the high rooffed hall' of Gerard's Hall, on the south side of Basing Lane, `sometime stoode a large Firre Pole, which reached to the roofe thereof, and was sayd to bee one of the staves that Gerrarde the Gyant used in the warres to runne withall. There stoode also a ladder of the same length, which (as they say) served to ascend to the toppe of the staffe ...'. and he goes on to criticise Harrison (though not by name) as having `set down more matter then troth' in his `chapter of giants or monstrous men ...'. or lance, yet to be seene in Gerards hall at London in Basing lane, which is so great and long that no man can beweld it, neither go to the top thereof without a ladder, which of set purpose and for greater countenance of the wonder is fixed by the same. I haue seene a man my selfe of se|uen foot in height, but lame of his legs. The chronicles also of Cogshall Radulphi de Coggeshall Chronicon ed. J. Stevenson, Rolls Series (1875), 120, records this Welsh youth as having been five cubits tall. speake of one in Wales, who was halfe a foot higher, but through infirmitie and wounds not able to beweld himselfe. I might (if I thought good) speake also of another of no lesse heigth than either of these and liuing of late yeares, but these here remem|bred shall suffice to prooue my purpose withall. I might tell you in like sort of the marke stone which Turnus threw at Aeneas, and was such as that twelue chosen and picked men (saith VirgilVirgil, Aeneid XII, line 900 - the Latin verse quoted only makes sense with its predecessor, which Harrison presents in an English translation on either side of the Latin line: the rock which Turnus threw at Aeneas `was such as that twelve chosen and picked men, such as the bodies of men which the earth produces nowadays were not [recte_ hardly] able to stur and remoove out of the place ...' ,

(Qualia nunc hominum producit corpora tellus)
were not able so stur and remooue out of the place: but I passe it ouer,Vis vnita fortior est ea|dem dispersa. and diuerse of the like, concluding that these huge blocks were ordeined and created by God: first for a testimonie vnto vs of his power and might; and secondlie for a confirmation, that hugenes of bodie is not to be accompted of as a part of our felicitie, sith they which possessed the same, were not onelie tyrants, doltish, & euill men, but also oftentimes ouercome euen by the weake & féeble. Finallie they were such indéed as in whom the Lord delited not, according to the saieng of the prophetCap. 3, 36. BaruchThe book of Baruch forms part of the Old Testament Apocrypha. ; Ibi fuerunt gigantes nominati, illi qui ab initio fuerunt statura magna, scientes bellum, hos non elegit Dominus, neque illis viam disciplinae dedit, propterea perierunt, & quoniam non habuerunt sapientiam, interierunt propter suam insipientiam, &c. that is, There were the giants famous from the beginning, that were of great stature and expert in warre, those did not the Lord choose, neither gaue he the waie of knowledge vnto them, but they were destroied, because they had no wisedome, and pe|rished through their owne foolishnesse. That the bodies of men also doo dailie decaie in stature, beside Plinie lib. 7. Esdras likewise confesseth lib. 4. cap. 5The fourth book of Esdras constitutes that prophet's second book in texts of the Old Testament Apocrypha printed in protestant bibles (Esdras I and II are the books of Ezra and Nehemiah in the Vulgate). This passage is also cited by Chassaneon, De Gigantibus, 70. . whose authoritie4. Esd. cap. 5. is so good herein as that of Homer or Plinie, who doo af|firme so much, whereas Goropius still continuing his woonted pertinacitie also in this behalfe, maketh his proportion first by the old Romane foot, and then by his owne, & therevpon concludeth that men in these daies be fullie so great as euer they were, whereby as in the former dealing he thinketh it nothing to conclude a|gainst the scriptures, chosen writers and testimonies of the oldest pagans. But see how he would salue all at last in the end of his GigantomachiaGoropius, Origines Antwerpiae,207 (`Gigantomachia'), acknowledges that such giants have been seen, but insists that they are very rare. , where he saith, I denie not but that od huge personages haue bene seene, as a woman of ten, and a man of nine foot long, which I my selfe also haue beholden, but as now so in old time the common sort did so much woonder at the like as we doo at these, because they were seldome séene, and not commonlie to be heard of.

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